5/19/2016 - Judge Andrew Napolitano Townhall.com
Here
is a quick pop quiz. What happens if we lie to the government? What happens if
the government lies to us? Does it matter who does the lying?
Last year, the Obama administration negotiated an
agreement with the government of Iran permitting Iran to obtain certain
materials for the construction of nuclear facilities. It also permitted the
release of tens of billions of dollars in Iranian assets that had been held in
U.S. banks and that the courts had frozen, and it lifted trade sanctions. In
exchange, certain inspections of Iranian nuclear facilities can occur under
certain circumstances.
During the course of the negotiations, many critics
made many allegations about whether the Obama administration was telling the
truth to Congress and to the American people.
Was there a secret side deal? The administration
said no. Were we really negotiating with moderates in the Iranian government,
as opposed to the hard-liners depicted in the American media? The
administration said yes. Can U.N. or U.S. inspectors examine Iranian nuclear
facilities without notice and at any time? The administration said yes.
It appears that this deal is an executive agreement
between President Barack Obama and whatever faction he believes is running the
government of Iran. That means that it will expire if not renewed at noon on
Jan. 20, 2017, when the president's term ends.
It is not a treaty, because it was not ratified by
a two-thirds vote of the Senate, which the Constitution requires for treaties.
Yet the Obama administration cut a deal with the Republican congressional
leadership, unknown to the Constitution and unheard of in the modern era. That
deal provided that the agreement would be valid unless two-thirds of those
voting in both houses of Congress objected. They didn't.
Then last week, the president's deputy national
security adviser for strategic communications, Ben Rhodes, who managed the
negotiations with Iran, told The New York Times that he lied when he spoke to
Congress and the press about the very issues critics were complaining about. He
defended his lies as necessary to dull irrational congressional fears of the
Iranian government.
I am not addressing the merits of the deal, though
I think that the more Iran is reaccepted into the culture of civilized nations
the more economic freedom will come about for Iranians. And where there is
economic freedom, personal liberties cannot be far behind.
I am addressing the issue of lying. Rhodes'
interview set off a firestorm of criticism and "I told you so"
critiques in Capitol Hill, and the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee
summoned him to explain his behavior. It wanted to know whether he told the
truth to Congress and the public during the negotiations or he told the truth
to The New York Times last week.
He apparently dreads answering that question, so he
refused to appear and testify. One wonders how serious this congressional
committee is, because it merely requested Rhodes' appearance; it did not
subpoena him. A congressional subpoena has the force of law and requires either
compliance or interference by a federal court. Rhodes' stated reason for not
testifying is a claim of privilege.
What is a privilege? It is the ability under the
law to hide the truth in order to preserve open communications. It is a
judgment by lawmakers and judges that in certain narrowly defined
circumstances, freedom of communication is a greater good than exposing the
truth.
Hence the attorney/client and priest/penitent and
physician/patient privileges have been written into the law so that people can
freely tell their lawyers, priests and doctors what they need to tell them
without fear that they will repeat what they have heard.
Executive privilege is the ability of the president
and his aides to withhold from anyone testimony and documents that reflect
military, diplomatic or sensitive national security secrets. This is the
privilege that Rhodes has claimed.
Yet the defect in Rhodes' claim of privilege here
is that he has waived it by speaking about the Iranian negotiations to The New
York Times. Waiver -- the knowing and intentional giving up of a privilege or a
right -- defeats the claim of privilege.
Thus, by speaking to the Times, Rhodes has admitted
that the subject of his conversation -- the Iranian negotiations -- is not
privileged. One cannot selectively assert executive privilege. Items are either
privileged or not, and a privilege, once voluntarily lifted, cannot thereafter
successfully be asserted.
The House Oversight and Government Reform Committee
should subpoena Rhodes, as well as the Times reporter to whom he spoke, to determine
where the truth lies.
It is a crime to lie to the government when
communicating to it in an official manner. Just ask Martha Stewart. One cannot
lawfully lie under oath or when signing a document one is sending to the
government or when answering questions from government agents. Just ask Roger
Clemens. Stated differently, if Rhodes told the FBI either what he told
Congress or what he told The New York Times -- whichever version was untrue --
he would be exposed to indictment.
Ben Rhodes is one of the president's closest
advisers. They often work together on a several-times-a-day basis. Could he
have lied about this Iranian deal without the president's knowing it?
Does anyone care any longer that the government
lies to the American people with impunity and prosecutes people when it thinks
they have lied to it? Does the government work for us, or do we work for the
government?
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