5/5/2017 - Pat Buchanan Townhall.com
In December 1964, a Silver Age of American liberalism, to rival the
Golden Age of FDR and the New Deal, seemed to be upon us.
Barry
Goldwater had been crushed in a 44-state landslide and the GOP reduced to half
the size of the Democratic Party, with but 140 seats in the House and 32 in the
Senate.
The Supreme
Court of Chief Justice Earl Warren, the most liberal in history, was on a roll,
and LBJ was virtually unopposed as he went about ramming his Great Society
through Congress.
The left
had it all. But then they blew it, beginning at Berkeley.
Protests,
sit-ins, the holding of cops hostage in patrol cars -- went on for weeks to
force the University of California, Berkeley, to grant "free speech,"
and then "filthy speech" rights everywhere on campus.
Students
postured as revolutionaries at the barricades, and the Academic Senate,
consisting of all tenured faculty, voted 824-115 to support all Free Speech
Movement demands, while cravenly declining to vote to condemn the tactics used.
Middle
America saw the students differently -- as overprivileged children engaged in a
tantrum at the most prestigious school in the finest university system in the
freest nation on earth.
Here is how
their leader Mario Savio described the prison-like conditions his fellow
students had to endure on the Berkeley campus in 1964:
"There
is a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so
sick at heart, that you can't take part; you can't even passively take part,
and you've got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the
levers, upon all the apparatus, and you've got to make it stop. And you've got
to indicate to the people who run it, to the people who own it, that unless
you're free, the machine will be prevented from working at all!"
To borrow
from Oscar Wilde, it takes a heart of stone to read Mario's wailing -- without
laughing.
As I
wondered in an editorial in the St. Louis Globe-Democrat that week, "If
there is so much restriction of speech on the campus, how it is that a few
yards from Sproul Hall there is a Young Socialist League poster complaining of
'American Aggression in the Congo' and calling on students to support 'the
Congolese rebels.'"
Yet
Berkeley proved a godsend to a dispirited right.
In 1966,
Ronald Reagan would beat Berkeley like a drum in his run for governor, calling
the campus, "a haven for communist sympathizers, protesters and sex
deviants."
Reagan
relished entertaining his populist following by mocking San Francisco
Democrats. "A hippie," said the Gipper, "looks like Tarzan,
walks like Jane and smells like Cheetah."
More
seriously, the radicalism, intolerance, arrogance and fanaticism of the far
left in the '60s and '70s helped to revive the Republican Party and bring it
victories in five of the next six presidential elections.
In 1964,
neither Nixon nor Reagan appeared to have a bright future. But after Berkeley,
both captured the presidency twice. And both benefited mightily from denouncing
rioting students, even as liberalism suffered from its perceived association
with them.
Which
brings us to Berkeley today.
Last week,
columnist and best-selling author Ann Coulter was forced to cancel her speech
at Berkeley. Her security could not be guaranteed by the university.
In
February, a speech of Breitbart editor Milo Yiannopoulos also was canceled out
of safety concerns after campus protesters hurled smoke bombs, broke windows
and started a bonfire. The decision was made two hours before the event, as a
crowd of 1,500 had gathered outside the venue.
The recent
attacks on Charles Murray at Middlebury College and Heather Mac Donald at
Claremont McKenna call to mind an event from three decades before Berkeley '64.
On Dec. 5,
1930, German moviegoers flocked to Berlin's Mozart Hall to see the Hollywood
film, "All Quiet on the Western Front." Some 150 Brownshirts, led by
Joseph Goebbels, entered the theater, tossed stink bombs from the balcony,
threw sneezing powder in the air and released mice. Theaters pulled that
classic anti-war movie.
That same
sense of moral certitude that cannot abide dissent to its dogmatic truths is on
display in America today, as it was in Germany in the early 1930s. We are on a
familiar slippery slope.
First come
the marches and demonstrations. Then the assertion of the right to civil
disobedience, to break the law for a higher cause by blocking streets and
highways. Then comes the confronting of cops, the smashing of windows, the
fistfights, the throwing of stones - as in Portland on May Day.
And, now,
the shouting down of campus speakers.
The rage
and resentment of the left at its rejection in 2016 are palpable. Sometimes
this fever passes peacefully, as in the "Cooling of America" in the
1970s. And sometimes it doesn't.
But to have
crowds of left and right coming out to confront one another violently, in a
country whose citizens possess 300 million guns, is probably not a good idea.
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