8/11/2017 - Pat Buchanan Townhall.com
"When
a man knows he is to be hanged in a fortnight," Samuel Johnson observed,
"it concentrates his mind wonderfully."
And the
prospect of a future where Kim Jong Un can put a nuclear weapon on a U.S. city
is going to cause this nation to reassess the risks and rewards of the American
Imperium.
First, some
history.
"Why
should Americans be first to die in any second Korean war?" this writer
asked in 1999 in "A Republic, Not an Empire."
"With
twice the population of the North and twenty times its economic power, South
Korea ... is capable of manning its own defense. American troops on the DMZ
should be replaced by South Koreans."
This was
denounced as neo-isolationism. And, in 2002, George W. Bush declared the U.S.
"will not permit the world's most dangerous regimes to threaten us with
the world's most destructive weapons."
Bluster and
bluff. In 2006, Pyongyang called and raised and tested an atom bomb. Now Kim
Jong Un is close to an ICBM.
Our
options?
As Kim
believes the ability to hit America with a nuclear weapon is the only certain
way he has of deterring us from killing his regime and him, he will not be
talked out of his ICBM. Nor, short of an embargo-blockade by China, will
sanctions keep him from his goal, to which he inches closer with each missile
test.
As for the
"military option," U.S. strikes on Kim's missile sites could cause
him to unleash his artillery on Seoul, 35 miles south. In the first week of a
second Korean war, scores of thousands could be dead.
If North
Korea's artillery opened up, says Gen. Barry McCaffrey, the U.S. would be
forced to use tactical atomic weapons to stop the carnage. Kim could then give
the suicidal order to launch his nukes.
A third
option is to accept and live with a North Korean ICBM, as we have lived for
decades with the vast nuclear arsenals of Russia and China.
Now, assume
the best: We get through this crisis without a war, and Kim agrees to stop
testing ICBMs and nuclear warheads.
Does anyone
believe that, given his youth, his determination to drive us off the peninsula,
and his belief that only an ICBM can deter us, this deal will last and he will
abandon his nuclear program?
Given concessions,
Kim might suspend missile and nuclear tests. But again, we deceive ourselves if
we believe he will give up the idea of acquiring the one weapon that might
ensure regime survival.
Hence,
assuming this crisis is resolved, what does the future of U.S.-North Korean
relations look like?
To answer
that question, consider the past.
In 1968,
North Korea hijacked the USS Pueblo on the high seas and interned its crew. LBJ
did nothing. In April 1969, North Korea shot down an EC-121, 100 miles of its
coast, killing the crew. Nixon did nothing.
Under Jimmy
Carter, North Koreans axe-murdered U.S. soldiers at Panmunjom. We defiantly cut
down a nearby tree.
Among the
atrocities the North has perpetrated are plots to assassinate President Park
Chung-hee in the 1960s and '70s, the Rangoon bombing that wiped out much of the
cabinet of Chun Doo-hwan in 1983, and the bombing of Korean Air Flight 858,
killing all on board in 1987. And Kim Jong Un has murdered his uncle and
brother.
If the past
is prologue, and it has proven to be, the future holds this. A renewal of ICBM
tests until a missile is perfected. Occasional atrocities creating crises
between the U.S. and North Korea. America being repeatedly dragged to the brink
of a war we do not want to fight.
As
Secretary of Defense James Mattis said Sunday, such a war would be
"catastrophic. ... A conflict in North Korea ... would be probably the
worst kind of fighting in most people's lifetimes."
When the
lesson sinks in that a war on the peninsula would be a catastrophe, and a
growing arsenal of North Korean ICBMs targeted on America is intolerable, the
question must arise:
Why not
move U.S. forces off the peninsula, let South Korean troops replace them, sell
Seoul all the modern weapons it needs, and let Seoul build its own nuclear
arsenal to deter the North?
Remove any
incentive for Kim to attack us, except to invite his own suicide. And tell
China: Halt Kim's ICBM program, or we will help South Korea and Japan become
nuclear powers like Britain and France.
Given the rising risk of our war guarantees,
from the eastern Baltic to the Korean DMZ -- and the paltry rewards of the
American Imperium -- we are being bled from Libya to Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan
and Yemen -- a true America First foreign policy is going to become increasingly
attractive. Kim's credible threat to one day be able to nuke a U.S. city is going to concentrate American minds wonderfully.
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